Protracted talks between the
Congolese government and
rebel group M23 are
ongoing, but for those living
in occupied areas of the
DRC, life must go on.
A boy in Kiwanja looks at the camera. In
the background the body of a man the
M23 claim was a thief is lying on the
ground. Photograph by Joseph Kay.
Goma, DRC:
In the crucible of conflict and
instability that is the eastern
Democratic Republic of Congo
(DRC), it is often hard to unpick
the countless grievances,
ideologies and interests. There
are as many armed groups as
there are claims of injustice and,
for at least two decades now,
the threat of violence has never
been far away. A year or so ago,
fighting flared up once more in
the region – with the M23 rebels
gaining control of certain areas –
and, as usual, it has been
civilians that have suffered
most.
Since fighting restarted,
hundreds of thousands of
people have been internally
displaced in North Kivu, while
tens of thousands have fled
across the border to
neighbouring Uganda. However,
many remain. Some of these
have strong opinions about the
M23, the Congolese military
(FARDC), and the UN
peacekeeping force. Heated
rhetoric rebounds from here to
Kampala where negotiations
between the rebels and
Congolese government have
been ongoing since December
2012. But for the majority of
locals living in rebel-held
territory, the priority is simply to
be able to get on with their lives.
As a resident of Kiwanja, a town
under M23 control, told Think
Africa Press, “I don’t mind who is
in charge, I just need to be able
to work and live in safety”.
People's protectors or great
pretenders?
In the areas controlled by the
M23, the group attempts to
paint itself as legitimate
governors. According to Bertrand
Bisimwa, president of the M23,
it is the central government that
engages in “negative governance
that kills its people, that rapes
its citizens”. By contrast, he says,
the M23 is the people's
protector, aiming “to ensure the
security of this part of the
country which has experienced
insecurity for many years”. The
M23 levies taxes and claims to
maintain security and perform
public services such as repairing
roads in return.
Indeed, in Rutshuru, some
residents emphasised the
comparatively good state of the
roads that they claim the M23
repairs. Indeed, 10km into M23
territory, a team of labourers
could be seen working on the
main road from Goma, with
taxes being levied at barriers to
pay for the repairs. However,
over several days, only one
road-repairing team could be
seen, and the taxes collected –
which some sources said were
as high as $300 per truck – do
not seem to be delivering
improved roads overall.
Payment of such taxes is a
contentious issue across M23-
controlled territory. In urban
areas, taxes are paid in cash,
with every adult taxed 700FC
(about $0.80) every three
months. On payment, the
resident receives a receipt
bearing the mark of an M23
stamp which they are expected
to carry with them at all times.
Failure to produce the receipt on
demand can result in arrest.
Taxes are also levied on
businesses, with each small shop
expected to pay a $3
contribution and a 2,500FC
($2.70) tax over the same
period. One resident told Think
Africa Press that these payments
significantly affect business.
In rural areas, taxes – or
‘contributions’ – take the form of
food. Residents in Rutshuru
explained that each family is
expected to contribute two
goblets of beans, or the
equivalent, to the rebel group
every quarter. Colonel Vianney
Kazarama, the M23’s military
spokesperson, insisted that
these contributions are
voluntary and show locals’
appreciation at improved
security, but some farmers
claimed that failure to pay can
result in higher fines or arrest.
To back up their claims, M23
authorities invited Think Africa
Press to speak to a local farmers’
association. The M23 did not
attend the meeting but
requested a day to convene the
farmers, explaining that they
were “not yet prepared”. When
they were deemed to be ready,
the farmers echoed the M23’s
line, saying that the region has
been safe to work in since
August 2012 and that the
population is very happy as a
result. August is the month the
M23 consolidated control over
the area.
Insecurity knocks
However, not everyone in the
area agreed with the farmers’
reported experiences. In the
centre of Rutshuru, one resident
claimed that “money does not
circulate easily”. He explained
that businesspeople are afraid
to travel to banks in Goma for
fear of being robbed at road
barriers in both FARDC- and
M23-controlled areas.
Similar security concerns have
also made it difficult for farmers
to transport and sell their food,
resulting in a surplus of food in
the town and a dearth of other
goods. “We are all farmers here,”
one local said, explaining that
few people really benefit from
reduced food prices when what
is needed is hard currency to
buy non-food items.
In Kiwanja meanwhile, the M23
has been blamed not just for
failing to maintain security but
for actively contributing to
insecurity. Many people there
blamed the rebel group for
nightly armed looting and the
systematic targeting of different
streets each night. The M23 by
contrast claim to be policing the
area.
These conflicting narratives came
to a head on 4 August. That
morning, M23 soldiers gathered
around the bullet-riddled bodies
of the three men who had been
killed the night before. Around
them, the crowd grew, children
jostling to catch a glimpse
between onlookers’ legs. The
M23 line was clear: these were
thieves who had been stealing
from houses and had been killed
during a gun battle with security
forces. “The M23 have done
well,” a lady in the crowd
commented. In public at least,
most observers expressed
gratitude to the M23.
However, the official version of
events wasn’t necessarily
matched in private. In fact,
standing by the bodies, one
member of M23 speaking on the
phone in French just within
earshot could be heard saying,
“it has been confirmed; these
are FDLR soldiers”, referring to
the Hutu rebel group.
Later that day, locals suggested
that the three dead men had
not been ordinary bandits but
prisoners who had been
released and forced to steal
from houses by the same M23
soldiers who then hunted them
down. People described this as a
“chasse à l’homme”, or
manhunt.
Back on the offensive
Life under the M23 is thus a
complex and often conflicting
experience. The rebel group
purport to form some kind of
popularly-mandated
government in the region, and,
whilst they may have some
support in this, it seems that the
reality is often very different. In
Kiwanja, the population fears
nightly raids, while across M23
territory, many people struggle
to deal with compulsory
contributions, ongoing insecurity,
and lack of access to markets.
In the towns of Rutshuru and
Kiwanja, this discontent has
sometimes been palpable, and
on August 18, the M23 was
forced to call a meeting with
community leaders in Kiwanja to
address these grievances. One
member of civil society in
Kiwanja commented that the
meeting was a mere façade, but
the fact the gathering took place
at all at least suggests the M23 is
aware of its responsibilities.
However, there is also the
chance such meetings will prove
academic, not because they are
superficial, but because of
broader dynamics in the region.
Last week, fighting restarted
after a lull and seems to be
going in favour of FARDC forces
backed by the UN. If offensives
against the M23 are ramped up
and continue to go against the
rebels, they could be swept out
the area. As the region’s history
tells us, however, what this
would mean for those living in
the likes of Kiwanja, Rutshuru,
and the broader area is far from
certain.
Correction 30/8/13: The article
originally said that M23 gathered
around three men killed for
allegedly being thieves in Kiwanja
on the 28 July . This is incorrect.
The incident happened on 4
August. This has now been
corrected.
Source..ThinkAfricaPress.com
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